Meloni Does Not Follow the Spanish Model and Says Yes to Increased Defense Spending (With Alarm on Libya)

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Mr President, Honourable Members, The European Council of June 26 will come at the end of a series of important international commitments, including the G7 Leaders' Summit held last week in Canada, and the NATO Summit scheduled for tomorrow and the day after in The Hague. And it will be held, as has unfortunately been the case for some time, in an extremely complex international context, where the war in Ukraine and the serious situation in the Gaza Strip have been compounded by the recent escalation in the Middle East.

The European Council will therefore offer us the opportunity to discuss what the priorities of the European Union should be at this stage and, above all, what initiatives to implement to pursue those priorities. And you can well understand how even more sensible, today, is that appeal to the principle of subsidiarity that I have often made to the European Union. I think that today, even more than yesterday, it is necessary to focus on the issues in which we can really make a difference together, on a global level, and not on those detailed matters that we can better regulate at a national level. And the list of dossiers on which we as Europe are called to work together is truly long, as the agenda of the next European Council also demonstrates.

The European Council will naturally focus on the latest developments in the Middle East, starting with the crisis involving Israel and Iran, which has worsened in recent hours following the US attack on three Iranian nuclear sites.

We all understand very well, in this chamber, the potentially enormous risks deriving from a further destabilization of an already very tried region, and I think that in this very delicate phase the dialogue between government and opposition is important for the good and the security of the interests of our Nation. I will do my best to maintain, and expand, this dialogue.

First of all, I would like to take this opportunity to confirm what was already declared by Foreign Minister Tajani and Defence Minister Crosetto in recent days, regarding the fact that no American aircraft took off from Italian bases and that our nation did not take part in any way in the military operation.

That said, yesterday morning, after the attacks, I called an emergency meeting with the Deputy Prime Ministers, the relevant Ministers and the intelligence leaders, to assess the situation and related scenarios.

Our priority has obviously been the safety of our fellow citizens - civilians and military - present in the region and the examination of the possible security and economic impacts on Italy, starting with those related to the energy sector. On the situation of our fellow citizens, a convoy with 122 people on board left Israel and reached Egypt yesterday, from where the Italian citizens will be brought back to their homeland. We are also working to reduce our presence in Tehran in an orderly manner, taking out of the country - via Azerbaijan - the fellow citizens who have requested it. This morning a new convoy, the third, led by our Carabinieri, with approximately 67 people on board, including some employees of the Embassy, ​​set off for Baku. Activities are being prepared to send another convoy in the coming days depending on the evolution of the situation on the ground, and the possible temporary relocation of our embassy in Oman is being studied, to be helped when all Italians are safe.

The worsening of the crisis obviously generates a lot of concern, for the possible repercussions throughout the Middle East and beyond. We are evaluating the hypotheses of response from Iran and in particular we are monitoring Hormuz, a strategic strait for global economies, capable of influencing the price of oil and energy at a global level. But, in any case, we have already taken care of ensuring Italy the necessary supplies.

On the crisis, the position of the Italian government remains clear. We consider the hypothesis that Iran acquires nuclear weapons to be very dangerous. An Iran as a nuclear power would not only represent a vital danger for Israel, but would also start a race to acquire nuclear weapons by other actors in the area, triggering a domino effect that is very dangerous for us too. We are convinced that only coordinated diplomatic action can guarantee peace in the region. This is the reason why we had strongly supported the negotiations between the US and Iran. We have hosted two rounds of negotiations in Rome in recent months and we are ready to do our part today too.

But it is time to abandon ambiguity and distinctions: Iran must avoid retaliation against the United States and seize the opportunity, today, of an agreement with Washington on its nuclear program, knowing that it is possible to pursue a civilian program in a way that guarantees the total absence of military ends. The United Arab Emirates is a model in the region in this regard.

With this objective, in these hours, I have maintained constant contact with the G7 allies and the main regional actors, and we all agree on a cohesive action in favor of a return to negotiations. Foreign Minister Tajani has spoken several times in recent days with his Iranian counterpart, the last time this morning, and he has passed on these messages. Minister Tajani has also been in contact with Secretary of State Rubio and will reiterate our position today in Brussels at the meeting of the Foreign Ministers of the European Union, as I myself will do at the European Council and in the meetings with the leaders on the sidelines of the NATO summit.

But on all these occasions we will also reiterate another priority objective for Italy: the ceasefire in Gaza, where, as the Government has already said in this Chamber, Israel's legitimate reaction to a terrible and senseless terrorist attack is taking dramatic and unacceptable forms, which we ask Israel to stop immediately.

Also thanks to the Italian commitment, we have shared this need within the G7, and we are satisfied that the reference to the ceasefire in the Strip is included in the Final Declaration of the leaders at the Kananaskis Summit. We are convinced that it is necessary, and possible, to seize the moment to finally obtain a cessation of hostilities in the Strip – also to allow the entry of humanitarian aid and put an end to the suffering of the civilian population, who have suffered too much and for too long – and more generally to ease tension in the region. We are now dedicating our main efforts to this fundamental objective.

We reiterate our strong support for the mediation undertaken by the United States, Egypt and Qatar. The future of the Strip can only begin with the release of the hostages and the disarmament of Hamas. A permanent cessation of hostilities is also necessary to be able to begin the challenge of reconstruction, in which – as I have already said – I believe that the Arab nations must play a leading role. And in which, it is clear, Hamas will have no role at all.

For Palestine, we are ready to contribute to a future arrangement in which the two peoples can live together in peace, dignity and security, in which terrorists can have no role and in which the Gaza Strip can never again be a platform for attacks on Israel. On the contrary, in the framework of an agreed solution, a reformed Palestinian Authority should, in our view, assume increasing responsibilities for governance and security management in both the West Bank and Gaza.

To achieve these results, courageous choices are needed, first and foremost on the part of Israel. A political process is needed that leads to the two-state solution, with real and credible security guarantees for Israel and a full normalization of relations with the Arab and Islamic world, completing the process started with the Abraham Accords. Italy, a key player in providing concrete support to the population of Gaza, both in terms of funding allocated and humanitarian aid delivered, also intends to bring the experience gained with the Food for Gaza initiative to the European Council to strengthen the humanitarian action of the European Union.

And allow me, in this Chamber, to thank the humanitarian workers, doctors and paramedics who are working on the front lines in the Strip. We are close to them and we will do everything to support and protect them. In recent days, the Government has committed to allocating further aid to WHO and UNICEF for medical equipment and assistance to women and children. Lastly, Italy has coordinated the evacuation of 70 Palestinians from the Gaza Strip, including little Adam and his mother, Dr. Alaa al-Najjar, the only survivors of a family of twelve.

But beyond the emergency, if we broaden our gaze, we see a profoundly changed Middle East. Assad has fallen and we have a new Leadership in Damascus. Hezbollah is weakened and Lebanon has a new leadership that we must support, and that can really turn the page, overcoming the many crises that have gripped that nation in recent years. The economic recovery of both countries and the reconstruction not only of infrastructure, but also of the Lebanese and Syrian social fabric, are crucial for the long-term balance of the region and beyond. In Lebanon, Italy intends to continue to support the humanitarian needs of the population, while at the same time launching projects with lasting effects. For Syria, we announced in Brussels an allocation of 50 million euros, which will be used for interventions in the sectors of assistance and reintegration of refugees, protection of vulnerable people, infrastructure, food security, health and protection of cultural heritage. The removal of EU economic sanctions on Syria determines a key historical juncture for the Middle East. Italy will do everything possible to ensure that the European Council grasps its potential, to define a new 'triangle of stability' between Lebanon, Syria and the future Palestinian state, which would also have crucial effects on Israel's security. In fact, there are leaders throughout the Arab world, and particularly in the Gulf, interested in a future of peace and economic opportunities, who are ready to work on a regional framework in which Israel can be fully integrated, as a partner and not an enemy. A region projected into the future, which exports technology and wealth in place of instability and terrorism. An epochal change that extremists will try to counter in every way, especially by resorting to the cynical strategy of attacks against the defenseless population. The terrible attack that yesterday hit the Church of St. Elias in Damascus, causing dozens of victims among the faithful, probably falls within this context. On behalf of Italy, I would like to express my deepest condolences to the Syrian Christian community. Italy, in short, is committed to finding serious and concrete solutions and is not interested in political speculation, because the very difficult situation that the Middle East is experiencing does not allow it. The gratitude of the Palestinian and Israeli population for what Italy has done and is doing is the only thing that matters to us. I want to say this to Italians: be proud of what our nation has done, from the institutions to the world of volunteering, from our military to our doctors and nurses, to help ordinary people who are living through this dramatic moment. We will bring these reflections to the European Council, but the starting point, I repeat, remains the ceasefire in Gaza, and the resumption of negotiations between the parties on the conflict in Iran, necessary conditions for defining a new political and security architecture. In the European Council we will obviously return to discuss the Russian invasion war against Ukraine. We are currently witnessing an extremely delicate phase of the conflict, with the absence of substantial progress in negotiations, especially in terms of cessation of hostilities. In light of these developments, there are two directions we are moving along: support for Ukraine and pressure on Russia. Here too, the immediate objective is a ceasefire that stops the fighting and leaves the field to diplomacy, to discuss a real and lasting peace agreement, which will inevitably also have an impact on the European security architecture.

I believe that Ukraine's commitment to peace is clear to everyone, starting with the immediate willingness to accept the ceasefire proposed by President Trump, the repeated demonstrations of willingness to engage in direct talks with Russia that we saw in Istanbul with the sending of a qualified delegation, and the concrete and credible proposals for a negotiating path.

The resumption of direct dialogue and the exchange of prisoners are steps forward, but they are insufficient. The Russian Federation must now demonstrate that it wants to seriously engage at the negotiating table. At the moment, unfortunately, we do not see this commitment, as demonstrated by the systematic and premeditated Russian attacks against civilian targets, particularly on the eve of important events, such as the bombing of Kiev on the eve of President Zelensky's presence at the G7 summit, as if the attempt was, instead, to undermine any attempt to make progress on the path to peace.

I therefore think that at this stage it is important to exert coordinated pressure on Russia, and we are ready to do so with the eighteenth sanctions package currently under discussion in Brussels, which focuses on the shadow fleet of oil tankers attributable to Russia, used to circumvent sanctions, and more generally on the energy and banking sectors.

We intend to continue to support Ukraine in its legitimate self-defense, but also in the perspective of reconstruction, one of the most important bets on its future as a sovereign, free and prosperous nation. On 10 and 11 July we will host the Ukraine Recovery Conference in Rome and there we will reaffirm our commitment to guarantee the Ukrainian people a future of peace and well-being. An ambitious challenge, which we can win only if we manage to mobilize the private sector. We are working with Ukraine and partners precisely in this direction, and we expect to achieve concrete and tangible goals. Aware as we are that a free and prosperous Ukraine would be a great opportunity and a great wealth for the whole of Europe.

But we must also be ready to do more for the security and defense of Italy and Europe. It is a strategic necessity that we can no longer ignore, because as I have already said in this chamber, no nation and no organization of states can be fully independent and sovereign if it entrusts its defense and security to others. And this has implications that go far beyond the issue of defense itself, because it involves economic and commercial dynamics, or, in short, the very possibility of fully defending one's national interests.

If you don't know how to defend yourself you don't decide, if you don't decide you can't consider yourself fully free.

This is the reason why I have always believed that it was the right choice to work to build a solid European pillar of the Atlantic Alliance, to be placed alongside the North American one, with a view to strategic complementarity and also capable of encouraging the formation of a solid European industrial base.

In 2014, the member states of the Atlantic Alliance committed to providing the forces and capabilities required by NATO's defense plans, equivalent to reaching defense spending of 2% of GDP in 10 years. Since then, all Italian governments have confirmed that commitment, without exceptions of political color. It is a goal that we have achieved, thus keeping the word given by Italy at the international level. We have done so both by relaunching the trajectory of strengthening our defense capabilities, and by including in the calculation of relevant expenses the items that other nations already consider, in line with the parameters established by the Atlantic Alliance. Expenditure that falls within that broadened and multidimensional approach to defense that are specific to the NATO Strategic Concept, the EU White Paper and the Readiness 2030 Plan.

At the Hague Summit we will discuss the proposal presented by NATO Secretary General Rutte on strengthening the Alliance's defensive capacity and we will be called upon to make commitments that are commensurate with the complexity of the times we live in. Commitments that must be clear, transparent and above all sustainable from an economic and financial point of view, both for this Government and for those who will come after us.

The need remains, at European level, to make the rules of the Stability Pact compatible with the increase in defense spending agreed with the allies. In particular, with reference to the excessive deficit procedures, regarding which it is necessary to achieve equal treatment and avoid risks of asymmetric applications.

The proposal currently presented takes into account NATO's updated assessment of threats and risks to Europe, the resulting Defense plans and the possible reduction of the contribution in terms of forces and capabilities by the United States. This translates into a commitment for all members of the Alliance to reach 3.5% of GDP in defense spending and 1.5% in security spending.

These are important commitments, of course, but necessary ones, which, as long as this Government is in office, Italy will respect by remaining a first-rate member of NATO.

For the simple reason that the alternative would be more expensive and decidedly worse. We see chaos and insecurity multiplying around us, and we will not leave Italy exposed, weak, unable to defend itself or unable to defend its interests as it deserves.

In this negotiation, Italy has been committed, on the one hand, to obtaining a sustainable modulation over time of the requested investments and, on the other, to ensuring that in this new program of commitments for the coming years that 360-degree approach is respected which sees as essential for national, European and Western defense strategic investments in security in all domains subject to hybrid threats.

It means not only defense in the strict sense, but much more. It means border defense, the fight against human traffickers, the fight against terrorism, cyber threats, critical infrastructures and military mobility. It is an approach that you know, that we have already discussed in this chamber, that Italy has already successfully supported in the discussion phase of the EU Readiness Plan 2030 and that is also finding important feedback from many partners.

Thanks to the mediation desired and obtained by Italy, we will have a 10-year time frame to reach 3.5% of defense spending, freedom on annual increases without any minimum limit year by year and the possibility of reviewing commitments in 2029. In essence, considering that we are already at 2% of GDP for Defense, an increase of 1.5% in ten years, not far from the commitment made in 2014 by the government of the time of an increase of 1% in ten years (to go from one to two percent of GDP).

Regarding the 1.5% of expenditure dedicated to security, we instead asked and obtained that the member states define what they consider a threat to the security of their citizens and what tools to deploy to address that threat, and consequently what expenditure to make.

This is a path compatible with all the other priorities of the government - because we will not divert resources from what we consider important for the well-being of Italians - consistent with Italy's international commitments, and consistent with the position that the current government majority has enshrined in the program with which it presented itself to Italians. Because without defense there is no security and without security there is no freedom. And I add, without security and freedom there is no well-being or prosperity.

The European Council will also address what is happening in two other strategic areas for the security of Italy and Europe: North Africa and the Sahel.

The violent clashes in Tripoli in recent weeks demonstrate that we cannot afford to neglect Libya. What happens in Libya has immediate repercussions on the security of the European Union, and Italy is by far the nation most exposed to potential risks and threats.

The situation on the ground remains very fragile and unpredictable and Italy fully supports the efforts to consolidate the ceasefire through dialogue, but we believe that the European Union must also exert all its influence to ensure that the parties continue to unconditionally respect the truce, ensuring every effort to prevent further civilian casualties or damage to residential or commercial infrastructure.

At the same time, we must work to relaunch a political process that leads Libya towards a more stable political-institutional structure, and the role of the United Nations remains central, also to mediate the positions between the institutions of the East and the West and find a concrete ground for proactive comparison between all the actors involved.

The European Union must use its influence and strength to put pressure on the main Libyan actors to cooperate with the UN without preconditions, also because a weak and fragmented Libya is destined to attract more and more interference from foreign powers with strategic interests different from ours. But it is essential that Europe supports the UN mediation in a cohesive and loyal manner, overcoming the divisions between Member States that in the past have only benefited actors hostile to the Union.

The stability of Libya and its neighboring countries is also a determining factor in containing irregular migratory flows and in combating illicit trafficking across the central Mediterranean. It is in fact in the power vacuums and in the weakness of institutions that criminal networks and traffickers take root, exploiting instability and fragility to fuel uncontrolled migratory circuits and forms of illegal economy that directly threaten European security.

And I would add that Eastern and Southern Libya are already the main bridgeheads of Russian military projection in Africa. There is a real risk that Russia could exploit the current instability to further strengthen itself in Libya and therefore in the Mediterranean. We intend to bring the issue to the European Council, to ask our partners and the Union to pay greater attention to this dangerous dynamic.

In the Sahel, given the constant decline of the European presence over the last few years, Italy supports the need for a flexible and pragmatic approach that puts our common strategic interests at the centre.

Also with a view to containing the growing negative influence of other international actors in the region, we support within the EU the relaunch of political dialogue, development cooperation and security collaboration with three central countries in the region such as Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger, currently governed by military juntas, which left the Economic Community of West African States and joined the Alliance of Sahel States.

Along these lines, we are actively contributing to the ongoing discussions on a “renewed EU approach to the Sahel”, so that a pragmatic line of re-engagement and dialogue, even critical, on the issues of the return to constitutional order prevails. As evidence of this commitment, Italy – the only Western State – maintains a bilateral military collaboration in the area with the MISIN in Niger, also with a view to ensuring greater strategic depth for NATO’s Southern Flank. And precisely thanks to Italy’s privileged role, I believe that our country could act as a mediator between the Sahel countries and Western countries interested in regaining their presence, through a virtuous and agreed process.

At the European Council we will once again take stock of the implementation of the European Union's policies in the field of migration. A discussion that falls on the fortieth anniversary of the Schengen Treaty which, on the one hand, has guaranteed a freedom that is indispensable for us today, such as that of being able to move without barriers within the EU, on the other hand has seen its second pillar underestimated and not fully implemented for too long: that of the defense and protection of the external borders of the Union and, consequently, the reaffirmation of the sacrosanct principle according to which it is up to the States to decide who can enter their territories, and certainly not to the mafias of human traffickers.

I am very proud of the work done on this matter also at the G7 level, where it is no coincidence that Italy was entrusted with the task of coordinating the thematic table on immigration and the global fight against human trafficking. A format that follows up on the work of the Italian Presidency last year.

The final document of the G7 on immigration fully embraces our line, that is, the need for regulated immigration, a no-holds-barred fight against organized crime that manages human trafficking – especially following the “follow the money” principle, which we learned from Giovanni Falcone and Paolo Borsellino – and cooperation between equals with countries of origin and transit, a strategy that underpins the bilateral agreements we have signed, as well as obviously the Mattei Plan for Africa and the EU Global Gateway.

And precisely on the synergy between the two platforms, Piano Mattei and Global Gateway, last week – together with the President of the European Commission – we hosted an international conference in Rome in which we announced new commitments towards the African continent. The Piano Mattei, in short, is no longer just an Italian strategy.

As you know, in the last two years – at the instigation of Italy – there has been a decisive change of pace in Brussels on migration matters. Attention is now all focused on the external dimension, on equal partnerships with the Countries of origin and transit of migrants, on the new Regulation to make repatriations more effective and on the new migration and asylum pact, on whose implementation the Member States are working in view of its entry into force in the middle of next year. Without forgetting the so-called innovative solutions, a concept also introduced by Italy with the Italy-Albania protocol.

The vast majority of Member States are now united around this overall strategy – which includes the strengthened concepts of safe country of origin and safe third country, but also, in perspective, the creation of European repatriation centres in third countries – and the result is that the Commission, in recent months, has presented several concrete legislative proposals on these matters. I would like to recall, for example, the European list of countries of safe origin, which does justice to many, too many, decisions dictated by a distorted ideological lens that we have witnessed, for months, here in Italy. It will now be up to European legislators, the Council and Parliament, to rapidly advance the relevant negotiations.

Italy has been at the forefront of this debate and has always been very demanding on the practical implementation of what has been decided, and, obviously, the working group on immigration that we promoted together with Denmark and the Netherlands will also meet at this Council, and which now largely represents the majority of Member States, taking into account that Germany has now also decided to join it.

Always with the Danish Prime Minister Mette Frederiksen, and seven other European leaders - who I am sure will increase, given the recent accession of the Hungarian Prime Minister Orban and the growing interest we are registering in the initiative - we want to continue to seek increasingly effective solutions. For this reason, last May 22, we signed an open letter with which we ask to open a high-level reflection on the theme of the international Conventions to which we are bound, and on the ability of those Conventions, several decades after they were adopted, to effectively address the issues of our time. Starting precisely from the phenomenon of migration.

Obviously, the reflection we propose does not aim to weaken these Conventions or the values ​​they embody. On the contrary, our aim is to strengthen them, because by adapting their application to a reality that has changed, we would only make those texts more in line with the needs and demands of citizens.

In too many cases, the application of certain principles has produced results that are incomprehensible to most. I am thinking, for example, of the cases in which, in application of the European Convention on Human Rights, the Parties are prevented from expelling foreigners who have committed particularly serious crimes, in order to defend the safety of their own citizens.

The protection of refugees and asylum seekers must be rethought to make it more effective and less hypocritical, and this could mean less welcome in our territories but also greater support in crisis areas.

We took note of the availability of the Secretary General of the Council of Europe Berset to deepen these issues, and with our partners we intend to start a serious political discussion, but also analyze all the legal tools available, because, as the general secretary himself said, there must be no taboo on the possibility of updating some aspects of the Convention, obviously without ever questioning the fundamental rights that we all share and that are the basis of the European society.

The European Council will also take stock of the progress in the enlargement process, the one that I like to define Europe's reunification, with a particular focus dedicated to Western Balkans and Moldova.

The European Union has left a void for too long in the western Balkans, which other international actors have, as always happens, attempted to fill. But these nations are not simple "neighbors".

The Balkans are not on the edge of the European borders or even beyond our continent. They are found in the heart of our continent, they are the zipper region between the East and the West, among those that St. John Paul II loved to define the two "lungs" of Europe. For this reason, Italy is engaged in Brussels to assert a strategic approach to the western Balkans that takes into account, despite the complexity of the challenges that the area presents, of the need to provide these countries with a clear prospect of integration in the European Union.

It is evident that the enlargement brings with it new challenges to which we will have to be able to respond, but I am convinced that the European integration of the western Balkans - as well as east - also represents a strategic investment in the safety of Europe, even more in the light of what is happening at our borders.

Albania and Montenegro are "top runners" in the region. We must consolidate their progress, also to encourage the resumption of the European path of the other candidates, starting from Serbia. And in this context, it is essential to continue to implement the growth plan for western Balkans, to support the reforms and the path to the European family.

On July 4, the first UE-Moldova summit will take place, fundamental to deepen the partnership between Chişiniant and Brussels, in sectors of common interest and with high added value such as safety and defense, migration, energy, digital, transport and competitiveness, while the path for the adhesion of Moldova to the EU continues.

Finally, the European Council will also be an opportunity to discuss the steps forward made on the issues of competitiveness from the Council of last March, when our works focused on subjects such as the urgency of simplification, the need for an energy available for everyone, and at the right price, and the adequacy of the necessary investments.

We support and encourage the efforts of simplification made by the Commission through the various Omnibus packages that have been presented, and which are currently being discussed. If a few years ago the burden of the complications that we have self -imposed was to be considered an error, in the current context that error becomes unforgivable. The world around us changes, and runs, and we cannot be competitive if we force ourselves to run with a useless burden on the shoulders.

Regulatory tools such as directives on the sustainability of companies are demonstrating their obvious limits, and as a government we are working, as always, to protect the competitiveness of our companies. As well as on proposals to simplify European funding, common agricultural policy, or create a new category of medium -capitalization companies with simplified regime.

We also accepted with interest the communication of the Commission on the Strategy for the Single Market, which is in line with the expectations and priorities identified by Italy. We must continue to insist on simplification, harmonize the rules for the movement of goods and services, place the SMEs in the center and facilitate digitization.

We look at with equally interest in the communication of the Commission on the EU strategy "Startup and Scaleup", which aims to make Europe the place to grow innovative companies.

We are now expecting from the Commission, proposals for serious and effective actions to bring Europe back to the center of technological innovation.

As for the European automotive sector, we know that it is a sector that is going through a real crisis, and we know that that crisis requires us to respond with courage. The government knows it well: for some time we have been insisting on the need for a radical change of course and a plan to guarantee the future of the sector, starting from the overcoming of the most surreal aspects of the Green Deal. It is also thanks to our tireless commitment-demonstrated among other things by the non-pay promoted together with the Czech Republic and other European partners for a new European Automotive policy-that the European Commission has presented the industrial action plan for the European automotive sector, of which it is necessary to guarantee rapid implementation.

A clear and predictable regulatory framework is needed, a true support for the European supply chain, including that for the production of batteries, and it is necessary to ensure equal conditions with international markets, for example through agreements with reliable partners.

In particular, we have supported the decision to introduce flexibility to allow car manufacturers to avoid expensive fines and avoid "pooling" phenomena - i.e. the convenience alliance with other manufacturers, often foreigners, to compensate CO₂ emissions - which involve inevitable damage to the competitiveness of the European industry.

However, in the automotive sector there is a solid and unequivocal reference to technological neutrality, despite the fact that the last European Council of March has recalled this concept between the principles underlying a single market and a more competitive industry - another result that we can claim with pride.

It will therefore be necessary to insist, within the more general review of automotive legislation, so that all technologies useful for the decarbonisation process are taken into consideration, including biofuels, e-fuels and hydrogen.

Precisely in this sense, I announce that I am working together with President Macron and Chancellor Merz to define common lines in support of the European automotive sector. I am sure that our three nations, working together, can provide a fundamental stimulus to the ongoing reflection.

In conclusion, honorable deputies. We live a period of great global tension, in which it is necessary to maintain the firm rudder and a coherent route route.

And the route, for us, is clear: an Italy protagonist in all the tables, manufacturer of bridges and dialogue with all the partners, Chiara in her Euro -Atlantic and Mediterranean positioning, firm in the guide thanks to a government that has finally put the national interest at the center, and pursues it every day, on every topic.

Strengthened by our positions, of the credibility that we have earned with loyalty and frankness, of the vision that unites a solid majority, and of an Italian people still capable of amaze the world, we will continue to work without sparing ourselves, without conditioning and without fear, as always in the exclusive interest of Italy and Italians.

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