Tajani aims at civil rights, but behind the Ius Scholae the electoral law emerges

Tajani has surrendered, he has let go, he has put it into reverse. The refrain about the “Ius Scholae” is the usual summer tune, ephemeral and light, destined to vanish with the arrival of autumn. A charade. It is true that the blue leader moves with justified caution. But that his proposal on citizenship is just easy propaganda is certainly false and that he has already decided to wave it around without ever following it through to the end remains to be seen. He, of course, denies and denies with a certain determination: “ We will work after the summer to open a debate on the issue. I will not backtrack and I will not change position: I have a sense of responsibility ”. Adelante con mucho juicio.

Only on one point, certainly essential, did the blue leader correct his line. He had started by saying he was ready to negotiate with everyone. He arrived at an ultimate offer aimed above all at the PD: take it or leave it. "We will not give in on the ten years of school to obtain citizenship: those who want to follow us will do so when it is discussed in Parliament. We are not a single party of the center-right. We are different and this proposal is in tune with the program of the center-right." It goes without saying that negotiating the law with the PD would have a much more disruptive effect than proposing it - even in disagreement with the rest of the right - as an autonomous force, but without mediating with the opposition. After all, it is precisely the unwillingness to negotiate that, if Tajani 's law were to come to a vote today, would make it very difficult for Elly's party to vote for it.

Tajani, in short, is cautious and avoids excessive forcing. However, it is likely that he really intends to move forward and in a certain sense he is obliged to do so , because this is imposed on him by both the long-term strategy he has chosen and the pressure from the Berlusconi family. The blue leader aims to make FI a force that is once again a protagonist and not a supporting actor. The objective, at the moment distant, is to deal on equal terms with the right wing of Giorgia Meloni, at the head of the League. This is what the family is asking for, using civil rights as a lever, and this is what the Foreign Minister himself aims to do, perhaps with less haste. He is convinced that he must take the electoral force not by stealing votes from allies, a mission that is more or less impossible, but from that vast area of ​​real or virtual centrist voters who have been oriented to the left up to now and who do not identify with the positions of Elly's PD or the centre-left led by Schlein-Conte. There are some. It is that segment of the electorate that has never really paid attention to social rights, liberal and often even free market , but that cares about civil rights and freedoms. Antonio Tajani 's challenge is to attract large portions of that electorate and to do so he must necessarily focus on rights even at the cost of risking a clash with the rest of the right. In this case, the blue leader believes that the risk is ultimately limited. The proposal he is putting forward was that of FdI in the last legislature.

Overall, his law is almost restrictive compared to the current situation. In fact, FdI's reaction, unlike that of the League, was mild. Donzelli confirmed his disagreement, but excluded the risk of a government crisis. Rampelli considers the blue proposal " legitimate and useful to stimulate reflection on the issue" . If it's rosy... Certainly, at least for now, Tajani does not even consider the possibility of breaking away from the center-right to try to build an autonomous center capable of proposing itself as the swing vote. He is wary of the other leaders, all very self-centered, who should join that hypothetical formation. He would consider even the idea a leap in the dark and, moreover, he is fully in line with that area of ​​the EPP that, throughout Europe, dreams of an agreement with the right, cutting out, however, the sovereignist and anti-European areas. The position he is aiming for has margins of autonomy and specific identity but, at least for now, it is also firmly embedded in the center-right without border temptations. Things could change if the parliamentary laboratories, usually similar to those of Dr. Frankenstein, were to produce an electoral law so proportional as to move the definition of alliances to after the elections, rather than before them: a sort of pure proportional tempered only by the threshold. In that case everything, and for everyone, would be back in play.

FROM

David Romoli