The Orbanian drift in the opposition. The Ursula vote, between fun and reality.

On the same topic:

Europe is what we read as reality. Ursula von der Leyen , as you know, survived a motion of no confidence yesterday, related to the so-called Pfizergate, with which a segment of the European Parliament, led by the far right, attempted to oust her. The vote, as often happens with motions of no confidence, rather than disintegrating the majority, brought it back together, and in the end, even the European socialists, who for months have been grumbling against Ursula, accusing her of having shifted the majority's center of gravity to the right, embraced Ursula. But yesterday's vote, von der Leyen aside, had the merit of highlighting some interesting and even amusing dynamics that concern not so much the state of health of the Commission as that of certain coalitions: first and foremost the Italian ones .

Read also:

In Europe, as we know, the hypocrisies of politics come to terms with reality. And yesterday, in the vote on Ursula, some realities emerged forcefully. They emerged forcefully on the right, where Meloni once again saw in the mirror what she has become and what she lacks the courage to fully be: a party now closer to the EPP than to the European Conservatives . And she saw this for many reasons. Because the motion against Ursula came from a parliamentarian who is part of the same Conservative group as Meloni. Because the motion against Ursula was voted for by the most extremist parties in Europe, not just the Poles of PiS and the pro-Putin Romanians in the ECR, but also by the League, allied with Meloni. And because, faced with the evidence—namely, the choice made by Meloni & Co. in Europe to support the Ursula majority—Meloni's party, by denying what it is, missed an opportunity and chose not to participate in the vote, knowing that if it did, it would have to displease its European and Italian allies, certifying what FdI has become. A symmetrical argument, ultimately, could also be made by observing what happened within the narrow center-left camp.

The Democratic Party voted in favor of Ursula, like the entire PSE group, recalling what the left should be and often forgets to be: against both left-wing and right-wing extremism . But in doing so, it had to acknowledge that the Democratic Party's main ally, the Five Star Movement, also voted like the right-wing extremists. Once again, on the issues that matter, it chose to vote not only like the League—some loves never end, they take immense turns and then return—but also like the very party transformed by the opposition into a useful benchmark for measuring right-wing extremism: Viktor Orbán .

To this, one could add, with a hint of malice, that the left that voted for Ursula, both the Spanish and the Italian ones, claimed to have done so based on the achievement of a bogus result, namely the non-elimination of the ESF, the European Social Fund , which, however, being enshrined in the Treaties, cannot be eliminated (when you have to vote for something you don't want to vote for, you transform an achievable goal into an unattainable goal, and when you then achieve the achievable goal you had presented as unattainable, you make it seem like a political triumph). But perhaps the most interesting element to highlight concerns another reality that is difficult to recognize, yet is the perfect mirror of today's Italian politics. Where extremes, when they can, return to speaking the same language. Where parties with a culture of governing, even if they cannot admit it, hold similar positions even if they are, in opposition and in government in their own countries, and the PD, FI, and FdI are on the same side in Europe. And where, ultimately, the majority that counts in Europe isn't measured solely by support for Ursula, but by a broader measure of support: whether or not to stand with those who defend the borders of our democracy from the incursions of Putin and the enemies of our freedom? It's written Europe, it's read reality .

More on these topics: