To beat Meloni in the elections, the only possible option is the broad field

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In the current situation, to make a forward-looking political argument, we must begin with a premise. With a majoritarian electoral system like the current one, the choice is limited to only two alternatives: confirming the existing majority; or replacing it with the current opposition, strengthened to the point of winning the elections. Third-party positions do not exist and are unjustifiable.

Starting from this premise, in view of the 2027 general elections, the choice must be made between reconfirming the coalition led by Giorgia Meloni and the so-called broad camp, which currently includes the Democratic Party, the Five Star Movement, and the Green-Left Alliance, expanded to include what Goffredo Bettini has called "the tent," which is expected to host various secular or Catholic parties and various civic lists . These are parties that, in a purely proportional electoral system, would prefer and be entitled to run independently.

Of the two options, the broadest possible choice is the right one. Three reasons—foreign policy, economic policy, and political-institutional—justify and dictate this. In foreign policy, the election of Donald Trump brought a substantial and very dangerous shift in the Meloni government's positions. Until then, full adherence to the pro-Atlantic positions represented by Joe Biden had compensated for misunderstandings on European issues, and in particular, the coldness toward any suggestion of advancing the European Union's integration projects. Trump represents a substantial rift between Europe and the United States and the need for Europe to resume and accelerate the integration process. Italy cannot sit idly by, but Meloni cannot distance herself from Trump. This has resulted in Italy's disappearance from all major European dossiers and a cooling of relations with our main partners, starting with France and Germany. This situation is particularly serious in the case of defense spending. Schlein's call for increased spending to coincide with progress in building a common European defense is correct. But on this front, Meloni's Italy certainly cannot move closer to Europe because it would distance itself from Trump. Italy's economy has been stagnant since the early 2000s; per capita income has fallen compared to other eurozone countries; productivity is stagnant. The 2008 crisis hit Italy particularly hard. Only after Covid did a strong recovery occur, aided by the public deficit. But now the country has stalled again: income is not growing, industrial production is declining, and the purchasing power of wages is declining. Not even the National Recovery and Resilience Plan (NRRP), negotiated and implemented by the Conte government but managed by the current government, has been able to revive the economy. This situation is unsustainable in the long run due to its social implications. A new government is needed that places income and productivity growth at the center of its policies and defines economic policy tools to achieve this goal. Public finance management also needs to be reassessed. Prudence from the Minister of Economy is not enough; a thorough budget review is needed to make room for more effective social spending and, at the same time, potential support for growth through public investment. The majority has failed on the economy; a different path is needed. The third issue concerns the political and institutional situation. This majority thrives on conflict between institutions, as demonstrated by its relationship with the judiciary. It's an unhealthy climate reminiscent of Poland and Hungary, and now the United States. Italy needs a coalition that can tone down institutional conflicts and put an end to the anxiety of changing the Constitution.

Therefore, a broad field must be built. This requires patience and a willingness to engage in dialogue.

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