Gezi Resistance is 12 years old: This rebellion will not end from June to March

Prepared by: Oncu DURMUŞ

The Gezi Resistance, one of the greatest social awakenings in the country's history, is 12 years old. The actions that began to protect Istanbul's Taksim Gezi Park against the AKP government's policies of profiteering, plunder and oppression quickly turned into an uprising that spread throughout the country.

The actions initiated by citizens who wanted to defend their nature and living spaces against the AKP's plan to cut down the trees in Gezi Park and build the Artillery Barracks in the park ignited the fuse of the rising struggle against the government in the country.

While the people became the subject of the political scene directly with the Gezi Resistance, the struggle line drawn by the parliamentary opposition was also surpassed with this great explosion. Wide segments of society, especially young people and women, labor professional organizations, left socialist institutions, demonstrated the necessity of struggling together and an organized line.

The anger that had been accumulating against the AKP in society for a long time came to life with Gezi, and the streets, squares, universities, and all living spaces became the government's nightmare in the 12 years that passed. Although the AKP managed to stay on its feet after Gezi, it lost its social support day by day over the years. While the regime change in the country with the 2017 referendum paved the way for today, the shadow of Gezi has always been over the government.

Erdoğan, who is remembered for his words “I gave the order to attack the police” at that time, has continued to target Gezi at every opportunity in the 12 years that have passed. While on the one hand, arrests began in the Gezi Trial with various unlawful acts, on the other hand, the government frequently tried to associate the citizens who participated in Gezi with terrorism.

Despite all these oppressive policies, injustices and targeting, millions did not give up on Gezi. After 12 years, once again, citizens are standing up against the Palace regime in every corner of the country.

The citizens who took to the streets after the arrest of Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality Mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu as part of the investigation launched against the Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality (IMM) on March 19 are the greatest proof of this support.

The millions who filled the streets during Gezi, those who were still children at the time, those who never remembered the Gezi Resistance in their lives, started to raise Gezi slogans once again in squares, universities and streets. High school students took to the streets with banners reading Berkin Elvan, university students with banners reading Ali İsmail Korkmaz. Although the construction of a new regime by the government and its supporters could not be stopped due to various tricks, illegalities and mistakes made by the parliamentary opposition, it has been seen once again since March 19 that the spirit of Gezi has emerged again at an unexpected moment.

Just like 12 years ago, the social opposition is now raising the struggle against the Palace regime. In this sense, the people are once again becoming the subject of politics, and the experiences of the Gezi Resistance, where the struggle for a free, equal and bright future without exploitation was given, extended to the people's struggle that started after March 19.

After 12 years, Sociologist Hakan Yücel from Galatasaray University evaluated the meaning of the Gezi Resistance in the country's history and the struggle of the people from Taksim to Beyazıt.

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SOCIOLOGIST HAKAN YÜCEL: THE UNDERSTANDING OF GEZI EVOLVED INTO A STRUGGLE AGAINST THE REGIME

First of all, we can see the Gezi Resistance as a reflection of potential. Gezi was the heir of the new social movements centered on “values” that emerged in the late 1990s and 2000s. The sense of solidarity that emerged in this context found its own character with elements such as the frequent use of humor. It also emerged as an expression of the anger that had accumulated against the AKP government. It was a flashpoint for the reaction that had accumulated in the early 2010s, especially against policies targeting individual rights and freedoms and intervening in private life.

YOUTH AND WOMEN DETERMINED THE CHARACTER OF THE RESISTANCE

When considering the period before Gezi and the 12 years after, it should be emphasized that this social awakening did not explode all of a sudden. Gezi emerged as a result of the political sphere lagging behind this change and even hindering development during a period when social change was accelerating. The dynamic structure of women (Gezi was the first social movement in which women were so numerous) and the youth, who were the segments that experienced the crisis most severely, were the driving forces in the growth of the struggle. Issues such as the city and the environment at the center of the resistance increased the legitimacy of the action within society. Although there have been examples such as the Susurluk protests in the 1990s, we saw most clearly in Gezi that different groups could act in such an organized manner around common problems. Gezi can be evaluated as an example of what an organized social structure can create.

THE MOST FUNDAMENTAL DIFFERENCE BETWEEN GEZİ AND TODAY IS THE CHANGES IN ACTORS AND CONTEXT

Today, after 12 years, we are faced with the rise of a new social movement. With the protests that began after March 19, comparisons have frequently been made between Gezi and the current process. The most fundamental difference here is that the center of the resistance was not born out of an environmental/urban rights issue, but rather a broader political issue. The protests that began against the arrest of an opposition party’s potential presidential candidate changed the leading actors and the context. We have also seen that this process has different advantages and disadvantages.

Since concepts such as values, advanced democracy and justice are at the center of new social movements, the issues that started the movement are not the main determinants. In other words, the resistance that started with İmamoğlu's arrest cannot be limited only for this reason. For example, the reason for the reaction among the youth is not the cancellation of İmamoğlu's diploma, but the concern that the diplomas may be canceled in an irregular manner and the feeling that the university is being intervened in. Therefore, it is necessary to evaluate the social movements that have risen in the period from Gezi to the present day in terms of the general reactions and demands of the society.

THEY COULD NOT DAMPER GEZI

On the other hand, Gezi represented a coming together against a concept of power and government practices. Today, with the change of regime, a larger segment of society has taken action against a system and the ruling bloc it represents. In this sense, there is a social objection developing against the existence of the regime. In addition, the Gezi Resistance remained as a potential; because social movements end in two ways: Either they are completely suppressed or their demands are accepted and they fade away. None of these things happened in Gezi. When viewed from today, apart from Gezi Park remaining a park, the demands of society were not met; however, the Gezi Resistance could not be completely crushed either. The anger and desire to settle accounts against Gezi still in the ruling bloc is an indication of this.

THE AXIS OF POLITICS IS SHIFTING TO THE LEFT

In the picture reflected today, we see that the observations regarding the right, such as the “kanzis” that were frequently discussed at the beginning, did not have a serious effect on street politics. The slogans and symbols put forward were not of a nature that could be identified with the right, they were neither widespread nor used with the same meanings. Of course, there were marginal right elements in the initial process that developed after March 19, but even though these elements were perceived as reflecting the general, balance was achieved in time. The movement was positioned on the left with its form of organization, forms of action and political potential. The figures of Gezi also reappeared in these actions. It is possible to say that the CHP has also shifted to the left in terms of its political line; therefore, the political axis is shifting to the left in this sense.

THE MENTALITY OF GEZI EVOLVED INTO A STRUGGLE AGAINST THE REGIME

However, one of the most important lessons learned from Gezi is that social movements may not provide a solution in the short term. Social movements have an origin, a development process and a specific purpose; therefore, they also have a range and limits. It is unrealistic to ask for more than this. The unifying fundamental point of today's resistance is its opposition to the presidential regime. This struggle will have progressed a step when common demands such as the reconstruction of the rule of law, the establishment of a sense of justice, freedom of expression and the goals of returning to the parliamentary system are achieved.

At this point, we can say that a ground has been formed for socialist structures in the context of the prominent left values. In other words, the opposition to the understanding of power represented by Gezi has transformed into a more comprehensive opposition to the regime over time and evolved into a line of struggle questioning the presidential system. This can be evaluated as a further stage in the development of the social movement. Today, new grounds have been formed in politics; large segments of the public have begun to come together to regain the lost gains. The university has remembered that it is a university again; the street has been accepted as a legitimate area again.

In summary, as we saw in Gezi, it is important to see the range and limits of the rising social movement today. However, these limits can also create a basis for transition to more advanced stages.

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GEZI RESISTANCE WILL BE REMEMBERED IN TAKSIM TODAY

Following the commemoration they held at Istanbul University for the 12th anniversary of the Gezi Resistance, one of the 23 students who were detained at the Vezneciler metro station the previous evening was released after a health check, while 22 students were referred to the Istanbul Courthouse in Çağlayan yesterday. The students who made a statement in front of the courthouse stated, “If a crime is to be mentioned today, that crime is the detention of students commemorating Gezi. The crime is to target young people instead of protecting the campuses from fascist groups, not from students. The crime is an attempt to take over the university with the police, private security and pressure.”

On the 12th anniversary of the Gezi Resistance, a call was made to meet in Taksim today to reiterate the demand for equality, freedom, democracy and justice. The call made by Taksim Solidarity said, “On the anniversary of the Gezi Resistance, which entered our lives with all its beauties 12 years ago, we do not give up our demand for equality, freedom, democracy and justice. Darkness will go away, Gezi will remain! We will be in Taksim on May 31!” On the other hand, statements regarding the anniversary of Gezi continue to come. The SOL Party shared the following on its social media account: “You went to that palace and you still can’t get down, there is no justice; We will bring you down! This rebellion will not stop from June to March.”

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WHAT HAPPENED IN GEZI

• 2011-2012: Within the scope of the Taksim Pedestrianization Project, the construction of the Artillery Barracks (a building with shopping mall content) in place of Gezi Park was on the agenda.

• May 7, 2013: A small group went to Taksim Gezi Park to prevent the trees from being cut down.

• May 28, 2013: Police intervened for the first time in the morning hours against protesters opposing the uprooting of trees. As the intervention intensified throughout the day, reactions began to grow on social media.

• May 29, 2013: Police evacuated the park and started to close its surroundings with barriers. Protesters who came to the park in the evening were intervened. The park was controlled by the police during the day and by the citizens at night.

• May 30, 2013: Interventions continued during the day. Large masses, artists, academics began to make statements of support. The silence of the media began to be criticized. The term “Penguin Media” emerged due to penguin documentaries in the pro-government media.

• May 31, 2013: In the early hours of the morning, the police intervened very harshly. Tear gas and pressurized water were used. Many citizens were injured. As reactions grew after the intervention, the protests spread outside of Istanbul. On the same evening, many cities in the country began to take to the streets.

• June 1, 2013: Police withdrew from Taksim. Hundreds of thousands of people marched to Taksim. Gezi Park was effectively taken over by the people. Protests increased in Ankara, Izmir and other cities. Police intervention also began to become harsher at the same rate.

• June 2-3, 2013: AKP President Erdoğan targeted the protesters as a group of 'looters'. Gezi Park was turned into a campsite. A library, infirmary, kitchen and forums were established in the park. The park was created as a "city of resistance".

• June 5, 2013: As the resistance grew, the unions decided to go on strike. As a result of the people's rising struggle, the CHP also decided to come to Taksim.

• June 11, 2013: Police intervened in Taksim Square again. The area around Gezi Park turned into a conflict area again.

• 15-16 June 2013: Police made a major intervention in Gezi Park for the last time. The park was completely evacuated, tents and structures were dispersed. After this intervention, the mass dimension of Gezi ended, but forums and local activity continued.

• July 2013 and After: The resistance moved from the park area to neighborhoods and forums. Numerous detentions, lawsuits and penalties began. Legal and administrative investigations against those who participated in the resistance increased. The Gezi Resistance went down in history as one of the greatest examples of social opposition in the country, and turned into a nightmare for the government.

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BALANCE

Human rights reports from various organizations also revealed the toll of Gezi:

• While citizens in 81 provinces opposed the AKP government, mass demonstrations were held in 79 provinces .

• Nearly 8 thousand people were detained during police interventions.

• In the first period immediately after Gezi, nearly 200 people were arrested. This number changed later, and some of those arrested were later released.

• Hundreds of people were sued in many cities, primarily in Istanbul, Ankara and Izmir, on the grounds of their social media posts. According to reports by the Human Rights Association, legal action was taken against nearly 11,000 people during the summer of 2013.

• Later, 8 people were tried in the Gezi Trial on charges of “attempting to overthrow the government” .

• At least 8 people lost their lives as a result of police intervention.

• Gezi was also a turning point in the history of political struggle in the country. While it was an example of resistance that revealed the importance of participation in politics and organization, especially for the younger generations, the throne of the government was deeply shaken.

• After 2013, the AKP's authoritarianism accelerated as it found itself against the public. While practices such as police violence, judicial oppression, and media control increased, the post-Gezi period laid the groundwork for the government to establish a new regime by suppressing the opposition and criminalizing social opposition.

• The AKP government, which became more authoritarian on the way to regime change, targeted all segments of society that opposed it with adjectives such as “marginal, putschist, terrorist.” The polarization in society was sharpened.

• After Gezi, constitutional rights were severely restricted. Governorate bans, detentions and police interventions became routine. The politicization of the judiciary accelerated.

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SYMBOL OF THE POLITICIZATION OF LAW

Immediately after Gezi, the then Prime Minister Tayyip Erdoğan continued to describe the Gezi resistance as a "coup attempt" at every opportunity. After a long period of targeting, the Gezi Trial was established:

• On October 18, 2017 , Osman Kavala, founder of Anadolu Kültür A.Ş., who is active in the field of civil society, was detained at Istanbul Atatürk Airport.

• On November 1, 2017 , he was arrested on charges of “attempting to overthrow the constitutional order” and “attempting to overthrow the government”.

• Kavala 's detention was extended despite the lack of evidence and the delay in taking statements.

• In 2019 , the Istanbul Chief Public Prosecutor's Office prepared an indictment against a total of 16 people, including Kavala, civil society workers, urban planners, academics and producers.

• The first hearings of the Gezi Trial, which started on June 24, 2019, attracted a great reaction. Osman Kavala, Yiğit Aksakoğlu, Can Atalay, Tayfun Kahraman, Mücella Yapıcı, Çiğdem Mater, Mine Özerden and Hakan Altınay appeared in court as defendants on charges of attempting to overthrow the government of the Republic of Turkey (TCK 312), inciting the public to revolt, damaging public property and providing financing.

• On February 18, 2020 : The court acquitted all defendants and released Kavala. However, before Kavala was released, he was detained again on a new charge within the scope of the July 15 coup attempt.

• In 2021, the Court of Appeal (Regional Court of Justice) overturned the acquittal decision. The case was reopened.

• On April 25, 2022 , the Istanbul 13th High Criminal Court announced its decision: Aggravated life imprisonment for Osman Kavala (attempting to overthrow the constitutional order). The other 7 defendants were sentenced to 18 years in prison and arrested. The reasoning was that the defendants aimed to overthrow the government by “organizing” the Gezi protests.

• In its decision dated 10 December 2019 , the European Court of Human Rights ruled that Kavala's detention was not for legal but political reasons, that his right to a fair trial was violated, and that he should be released immediately. Since Turkey did not implement this decision, the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe initiated a violation procedure against Turkey in 2022 .

• Lawyer Can Atalay, one of the defendants in the Gezi Trial, was elected as a TİP Hatay deputy in the 2023 elections. The Constitutional Court ruled that Atalay's right to be elected and engage in political activity was violated. However, the 3rd Criminal Chamber of the Supreme Court of Appeals did not recognize this decision and stripped Atalay of his parliamentary seat. This crisis also caused an open conflict and legal legitimacy debates between the judicial bodies.

• On September 28, 2023 , the 3rd Criminal Chamber of the Supreme Court of Appeals upheld the aggravated life sentence of Kavala and the 18-year prison sentence of Atalay, Mater, Kahraman and Özerden, while overturning the sentences of Ekmekçi, Yapıcı and Altınay and releasing them. On the other hand, manager Ayşe Barım , who was investigated due to allegations of “participation in the Gezi Park events”, was arrested by the court she was brought to on charges of “attempting to overthrow the Government of the Republic of Turkey or preventing it from performing its duty”.

While these events demonstrate the validity of the assessment that the case is political, the Gezi Trial has become a symbol for many fundamental issues such as the politicization of law in the country and the independence of the judiciary.