Katja Hoyer on border controls: What the Greens misunderstand about Donald Tusk's criticism of Germany

Chancellor Merz is being criticized in the German media for his rejection of migrants to Poland. However, many on the ground are showing understanding for the stricter migration policy. A column.

Writer and author, Katja Hoyer Archive Hoyer

This week, I traveled across Poland. I started on the Berlin-Warsaw Express from the German capital to the Polish capital. Then, I continued on to Augustów. This beautiful spa town in the northeast of the country lies in the so-called Suwałki Gap – the critical point where Poland borders Lithuania, Belarus, and the Russian Kaliningrad Oblast. What I didn't hear once during the entire trip was criticism of Germany's new migration policy.

German Interior Minister Alexander Dobrindt, who was in Warsaw at the same time to seek support for his migration policy, probably felt the same way. It wasn't an easy visit, as in recent weeks there had been repeated concerns from the Polish side about the rejection of illegal immigrants at the German-Polish border, including from Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk. The Polish border guards have also occasionally refused to take back asylum seekers who had attempted to enter Germany.

This was quickly interpreted by government opponents and activist groups as Poland's fundamental opposition to a more restrictive immigration policy in Germany. Britta Haßelmann, chairwoman of the Green Party parliamentary group, called it a "resounding slap in the face for a national solo effort" that caused maximum irritation among Germany's neighboring countries. Deutsche Welle, Germany's international broadcaster, also reported on the news, with the headline "Germany's new migration policy is met with criticism from neighbors."

France practices what Merz intends

Everyone knows, including the Green Party leadership and our colleagues at DW, that Poland has long pursued a much tougher stance against illegal immigration than Germany. The same Donald Tusk who recently criticized Dobrindt's rejections for politically lenient and tactical reasons suspended the asylum law in Poland at the end of March, thereby drastically reducing irregular immigration to his country. By the end of May, only 23 asylum applications had been submitted since the suspension – compared to almost 800 applications during the same period last year.

Finland had previously decided to turn back migrants at its border with Russia, although "opponents doubt whether this is compatible with EU law and the constitution," as Tagesschau reported. France began reintroducing border controls after the Islamist terrorist attacks in Paris on November 13, 2015, many of whose perpetrators had entered the country as asylum seekers. "No one in Paris thinks much of legal concerns," commented the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, adding, "France is practicing what Merz intends."

Then there's Denmark, which, under social democratic leadership, pursues one of the most restrictive migration strategies in Europe and decided in April to extend its controls at the German-Danish border. Only 860 asylum applications were approved there in 2024. The Netherlands also introduced border controls with Germany in December last year.

"Austria rejects asylum rejections at the German border," headlined the Tagesschau news program in March. But the neighboring country has itself controlled its borders with Hungary, the Czech Republic, and Slovenia since March 2015 and decided in May to extend the procedure. The Interior Ministry justified this as a "necessary measure to deter the human trafficking mafia." "The goal is clear: to reduce illegal migration to zero," said Interior Minister Gerhard Karner. "Border and border-related controls" are an important factor.

Immigration is also an issue in Poland

Given the current political situation, it is perfectly clear that the governments of Germany's neighboring countries cannot openly say they support Germany's change of course, as long as it also involves sending migrants back to them. In the Netherlands, last weekend, about a dozen citizens arbitrarily stopped cars at the German border. Austria is governed by a coalition that excludes the right-wing Freedom Party of Austria (FPÖ), even though it emerged as the strongest party in the national elections. In these and other countries, people will be careful not to give the impression that they are taking migrants away from Germany.

Immigration is also a huge issue in Poland. For years, the country has been confronted with migrants being smuggled to the border between Poland and Belarus. There, Poland is pushing them back "ruthlessly," as Defense Minister Władysław Kosiniak-Kamysz openly states . He assumes this is a "violent attack involving migrants" coordinated by Belarus. These migrants often want to continue on to Germany. Between August and October 2021 alone, 4,300 people came to Germany this way. Der Spiegel also reported at the time on "the Belarusian dictator's inhumane smuggling system."

People as political hybrid weapons

It is a fact that Germany's European neighbors have introduced stricter border regulations, reflecting both the will of their respective populations and serving to deter illegal and brutal smuggling gangs from using people as political hybrid weapons. And yet, the malice was once again quite unabashed when the Berlin Administrative Court declared the German rejections unlawful last week. "Chancellor Merz and Interior Minister Dobrindt have failed miserably with their national solo effort," the Green Party parliamentary group gleefully declared.

Had its members sat on the Berlin-Warsaw Express, they would have heard a different tone in Poland. Dobrindt's Polish counterpart, Tomasz Siemoniak, stated at their meeting: "Protecting the European Union's external borders and combating illegal migration are common priorities for Germany and Poland. We will resolutely strengthen our measures to effectively respond to the threats posed by smuggling and human trafficking." The two men agreed that it was legitimate for "countries under migratory pressure to take extraordinary measures to prevent the destabilization of asylum and social systems."

The Poles want a new German migration policy

There's no question that everyone is looking for a European solution to ease border controls within the EU. My train to Poland was delayed on the German side anyway ("as so often," grumbled my Polish neighbor). None of the passengers would have found lengthy passport checks rewarding. But that would be a strange reason to ignore the issue of illegal migration.

In Poland and Germany, a large majority wants control over who is allowed to enter and stay. According to an Insa survey , almost two-thirds of Germans support the federal government's continued rejection of asylum seekers at the borders. In Poland, three-quarters of respondents in a February survey said they oppose accepting any more migrants. Such figures, and the corresponding election results in many European countries, must mean something in democracies.

The people I met in Poland certainly don't want their country to become a detention center for people being sent back from Germany's borders. But they do want a new migration policy in Germany, one that draws fewer people to the borders and into the EU. They see Germany's magnet function as a reason for the current situation. They hope that Berlin will finally understand this and do something to change it—both internally and in the form of assistance in protecting the external borders. Dobrindt's border controls may not be a panacea, but they are also not a "German solo effort." That, in contrast, was the open borders of recent years.

Do you have feedback? Write to us! [email protected]