Uruguay: The country where hate has no chance

When Brazil's President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva was sworn into office just over two years ago, the left-wing politician was astonished: the delegation from neighboring Uruguay included not only the incumbent President Louis Lacalle Pou, but also two of his predecessors: Jose "Pepe" Mujica and Julio María Sanguinetti. Three presidents, three parties, three political directions, and yet united in the cause. The personnel selection caused a stir internationally. "Can you imagine Barack Obama and Donald Trump in one delegation? Or Jair Bolsonaro and Lula da Silva?" commented the Brazilian media at the time. Relations with neighboring Brazil are at least as important to the respective governments in Montevideo as those with their other neighbor to the south: Argentina. And here they put the party ego aside.

At the time, Yamandu Orsi, mayor of Canelones, Uruguay, wrote: "The image of Uruguay with President Lacalle Pou accompanied by Sanguinetti and Mujica fills me with pride." Orsi has since been elected president himself; the left-wing politician will replace his popular conservative predecessor Louis Lacalle Pou on March 1. The South American country's constitution prohibits direct re-election.

Yamandu Orsi addresses his supporters after polls closed in Montevideo, Uruguay in October 2024.

Source: Natacha Pisarenko/AP/dpa

The transfer of power went smoothly. As always. "Uruguay is fundamentally a stable democracy with a constitutional order," says Sebastian Grundberger from the Konrad Adenauer Foundation's office in Montevideo in an interview with this newspaper. "There are some changes in emphasis in foreign policy, but the main lines remain the same, regardless of whether the left-wing 'Frente Amplio' or the conservative forces are in power."

There are also largely overwhelming views on the EU-Mercosur free trade agreement because Uruguay is an export-oriented country. "There could be changes in attitudes towards Israel and in dealing with the left-wing dictatorships of Cuba, Venezuela and Nicaragua," Grundberger suspects. "The new left-wing government will be more critical of Israel and will appear closer to Havana, Caracas and Managua than the current president does."

Uruguay expert Grundberger believes that "the country's political culture, which is accustomed to compromise and balance, means that despite the change of government, a moderate change of course and gradual adjustments are to be expected: "The difficult majority situation in parliament will also force the 'Frente Amplio' to repeatedly approach the opposition."

The Economist's Democracy Quality Index, published a few months ago, sees Uruguay as the most stable democracy in Latin America. The country, with around 3.4 million inhabitants, represents only around one percent of the population of Latin America, but a balanced cooperation has developed for decades. Election defeats are not questioned, election results are immediately recognized. This gives the country's democratic system a certain dignity. In the aforementioned Democracy Index, Uruguay is in 14th place on a list that includes 165 countries and is led by Norway, on a par with Australia and ahead of Canada.

Chilean President Gabriel Boric (r) holds a working meeting with the elected President of Uruguay, Yamandu Orsi.

Source: IMAGO/Aton Chile

"The strength of Uruguayan democracy is based essentially on a strong party system that prevents the emergence of populist leaders and authoritarian deviations, such as those we see in other countries in the region," explains Dr. Nicolas Saldias, political scientist and member of The Economist's Intelligence Unit, which is responsible for the index published, to the newspaper EL PAIS. "The polls show that Uruguayans are the most supportive of the democratic system in the region, by far."

One of Uruguay's strengths is its ability to criticize its own ideological camp. Unlike other left-wing politicians in the region, former President Jose "Pepe" Mujica is not afraid to openly criticize the left-wing dictatorships in Cuba, Venezuela and Nicaragua and to demand respect for human rights. Conversely, the conservative camp around Lacalle Pou also criticizes right-wing populism in Latin America and the USA. When it comes to protecting democracy against attacks from outside, Uruguay's politics are united: Democracy First.

Political scientist Oscar Bottinelli has identified another reason why Uruguay's democracy is so stable: "Compulsory voting means that everyone participates." The tradition shows that there is a "sacralization of the vote," an appreciation of one's own political power. In the 2019 parliamentary elections, voter turnout was 90 percent, and the number of blank or invalid ballots was no more than four percent. "This reflects the people's decision and gives the system strength," says Bottinelli.

"Uruguay was probably one of the first relatively stable democracies in Latin America, and on top of that came the construction of a welfare state, which was also quite new for the continent at the beginning of the 20th century," political scientist Agustín Canzani is quoted as saying in Uruguayan media. Three parties form the heart of the country. The conservative and liberal parties National and Colorado often form a coalition to form a counterweight to the left-wing "Frente Amplio". Despite the beginning of the dictatorship, the three formations survived 12 years of military rule (1973 - 1985) and have taken turns holding the presidency since the re-democratization.

In this way, every party, every political force, has a say in the steering wheel. And even if the tough opposition benches threaten, there is a willingness to work together across party lines on projects that are considered important for the national good. On election night at the end of November, the conservative election loser Alvaro Delgado promised the future government: "When it comes to Uruguay, they count on us."